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Arabization
ArabizationArabization
- Part of the
Al-Anfal Campaign, the anti-Kurdish campaign lead by the Iraqi
regime of Saddam Hussein, spanning between between February and
September
1988. Arabization was a tactic used by
Saddam's
regime to drive hundreds of thousands of
Kurdish families out of their homes in
Kirkuk,
which is a city high in oil, and replace their homes with oil field
workers of descent. The campaign was an attempt to transform the
historic
Kurdish city of
Kirkuk
into an
Arab
Iraqi city.
Kurdish families were left with no homes after being evicted
forcefully by Saddam's
Iraqi
soldiers, and therefore had to migrate to refugee camps.
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The information gathered by Human Rights Watch during its September 2002 mission
clearly establishes that the Iraqi government is continuing a policy of forced
expulsions of Kurds, Turkomans, and Assyrians from Kirkuk and other
oil-producing regions. The process of forced expulsions from Kirkuk is a
centrally organized, bureaucratic government campaign, involving formal
documents such as the expulsion orders many victims received.
Typically, families targeted for expulsion would
receive several threatening visits from security personnel or Ba`th Party
officials. During those visits, the families are pressured to take one or more
of the following steps: officially alter their ethnic identity by registering as
Arabs instead of Kurds, Turkoman, or Assyrian, a process known as "nationality
correction;" become members of the ruling Ba`th Party; and/or join one of the
various militias formed by Saddam Hussein, including the so-called Army of
Jerusalem (Jaysh al-Quds). Families with young men are particularly
harassed.
As a result of these pressures, some families
decide to depart for the Kurdish-controlled areas, knowing that they risk forced
expulsion, imprisonment, and other abuse if they continue to refuse to comply
with official demands. Those families who remain in Kirkuk are soon presented
with a formal expulsion order. Oftentimes, a male relative is arrested at this
point and held hostage by the security services until the family has arranged
for departure to the Kurdish-controlled areas.
As with most Iraqi government abuses,
multifarious security agencies are directly implicated. Among the most prominent
agencies involved in the expulsions are the General Security Directorate (Mudiriyyat
al-Amn al`Aam), headquartered in Baghdad and with centers in major cities
across the country, and the internal security service of the Ba`th Party (Amn
al-Hizb). Both these apparatuses directly implement the policy of forced
population transfers at all its major stages, namely surveillance of targeted
individuals or families, putting pressure on them to comply with official
demands, threatening arrest, expulsion, or other punishment for failure to
comply, earmarking or issuing expulsion orders, and seizure of property and
assets. Additionally, General Security Directorate officials are involved in the
arrest, interrogation, and sometimes torture of those who refuse to succumb to
their pressures and, together with the police, in the detention of the head or
male member of targeted families, effectively as hostages, until the expulsion
process is completed. The Ba`th Party's security officials are also involved in
identifying persons who failed to join the party, and exerting pressure on them
to do so.52
Frequently, the pressure on ethnic minority
families by security officials is backed up by the mukhtar-the civilian
community representative in a particular neighborhood in cities, towns, or
villages. Necessarily members of the Ba`th Party, the mukhtars have intimate
knowledge of the families residing within a given area and are able to report
regularly to security officials on the situation of individual families, any
changes in their circumstances, and any acts on their part that indicate of
disloyalty to the authorities. They frequently accompany security officials on
their rounds of targeted homes, and participate in exerting pressure on families
to comply with official demands.
The local police in each district are also
involved in the execution of orders concerning forced expulsions, such as the
detention of a family member pending expulsion. They are also charged with being
present at the homes of families on the day of their expulsion, to record the
names of each family member, to ensure that they do not take with them
prohibited articles or belongings, and to draw up a list of all other major
items that are being taken. Where the families concerned are expelled to the
northern Kurdish-controlled region, the police are also required to escort them
to the last government-controlled checkpoint. At that point they take any
documentation still remaining in the families' possession with the exception of
their nationality certificates, which they are permitted to keep. The police
also escort those families that are expelled to destinations in southern Iraq,
handing over their expulsion papers to local officials upon arrival.
Finally, the government
of Iraq has resisted efforts by the United Nations, including its main refugee
agency, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), to facilitate
the return of Iraqis displaced from the Kirkuk region. In the immediate
aftermath of the 1991 Gulf war and subsequent uprisings, UNHCR and
nongovernmental organizations sought to facilitate the safe return of Kurds and
Turkomans who had fled in 1991 from Kirkuk. However, this focus on returning
Kurds and Turkomans "ran directly counter to government plans."53
Government opposition to the facilitation of returns was made even more apparent
in August 1991 when the U.N. Executive Delegate requested permission from
Baghdad to establish a sub-office in Kirkuk and was denied.54
One month later, the Iraqi government refused to allow U.N. guards to accompany
a convoy of 3,417 returnees to Kirkuk.
55
Combined Pressure
Tactics
Iraqi officials use a wide range of tactics and
demands to pressure targeted Kurdish, Turkoman, and Assyrian families prior to
forcing them to abandon their homes. These include forced change of ethnicity,
forced recruitment into the Ba`th Party, forced recruitment into "volunteer"
paramilitary structures, pressure on families with relatives in Kurdistan, and
attempts to recruit informers. Most of the families are subjected to a range of
such pressures until they either leave voluntarily out of fear or are forcibly
expelled.
· The family of `Abdullah Ramadan Ma`ruf,
a thirty-six-year-old Turkoman from Kirkuk, had been pressured to change
their ethnicity, join the Ba`th Party, and participate in "volunteer"
paramilitary forces. On an almost monthly basis, Ba`th Party officials would
survey their neighborhood, visiting each home to check on who had complied
with their demands to change their ethnicity to Arab. When Ma`ruf refused an
additional demand that he join the Jerusalem Army, his wife related, a Ba`th
Party official pressured the family into sending their fourteen- and
twelve-year-old sons for military training with Saddam's Cubs. "When they
asked my husband to train with Jaysh al-Quds, he refused, so then they said
we will take your sons," she said. After this incident, pressure on Ma`ruf
to join the Ba`th Party increased, but he refused, saying he was
"independent." Ten days after his refusal, police officials came to the
family home and told Ma`ruf and his family that they would be expelled
within two days.
On the July 21, 2002, the day of their
expulsion, the police came to their home and scrutinized the possessions the
family wanted to take with them. The family was asked to choose between
going to the Kurdish-controlled north or government-controlled south, and
they chose to go north. The family was forced to pay a 25,000 dinar bribe at
the last government checkpoint, and had their ration and residence cards
confiscated.56
· Ba`th Party officials first came to the home
of Qassem `Abd al-Rahman Khadr, a Turkoman carpenter in July 2002. The
officials demanded that he and his seventeen-year-old son volunteer for the
Jerusalem Army. The family paid the officials 200,000 dinars in lieu of
this. Soon thereafter, the same officials returned and informed the family
that they would be expelled because they had refused to change their
ethnicity from Turkoman to Arab. A week before the expulsion [on July 15,
2002] police officers came to their home to arrest Khadr, taking him to the
al-Muthanna police station. He was only released on the day of the expulsion
[on July 22, 2002], after the family paid a 20,000 dinar bribe and he agreed
to sign a paper saying he had left Kirkuk "voluntarily." The family was only
allowed to take clothes, blankets, and some small belongings.57
· Fifty-year-old As`ad Karim Salah, a Kurd,
was expelled from Kirkuk on June 16, 2002. Prior to his expulsion, Ba`th and
security officials put constant pressure on his two sons, aged twenty and
twenty-three, to join the Ba`th Party and to alter their ethnicity. The
twenty-year-old son, who was studying at Mosul University, was also
pressured to spy on his fellow students. When he refused, he was expelled
from the university.
In March 2002 another son, twenty-three years
old, fled to Kurdish-controlled territory, and the pressure on the remaining
family members increased. From April to June, the visits by officials became
almost constant. On June 10, Ba`th Party officials came to Salah's home a
final time, demanding that he return his son to Kirkuk. Salah explained he
could not do this. On June 16, the police came and took the entire family to
the al-Muthanna police station in Kirkuk, again demanding the return of the
son, and that the family change their ethnicity, join the Ba`th Party, and
join the Jerusalem Army. When the family refused, they were immediately
deported to Kurdish-controlled territory. They were only allowed to take a
few small items, and had to leave their household appliances and other
belongings behind.58
· Forty-nine-year-old Muhammad Karim, a Kurd,
was expelled from the al-Shorja district of Kirkuk in June 2002, together
with his wife and seven children. His ordeal shows the constant pressure
that many non-Arab families face:
Officials from the Amn [General
Security Directorate] and the Istikhbarat [Military Intelligence] and
the mukhtar [neighborhood administrator] kept coming to our house and
putting pressure on us. They told me I must become a member of the Ba`th
Party, and sign up for military training in Jaysh al-Quds. They also
tried to recruit my son [aged eighteen] into the Jaysh al-Quds, so he
fled [to Kurdish-controlled territory.] It was after that that the
pressure on me increased, and when I refused to become a Ba`th Party
member, they told me they were going to expel me. I had also been under
pressure to correct my ethnic identity. The Ba`th Party official
responsible for our district came to our house and proposed I do this.
Again I refused. That is how we got expelled.59
The family was only allowed to
take their clothes and a few personal belongings, but had to leave behind
all household appliances and other items of value.
· Twenty-five-year-old Salim Ismail (not his
real name), a Kurd from the Rahim Awa district of Kirkuk, was first harassed
by Iraqi officials in December 2001: "They told me, `You must become a
Ba`thist, you must correct your identity [ethnicity], and you must
participate in Jaysh al-Quds.'" He gave the officials a bribe of 19,000
dinars to leave him alone. In March 2002, the officials returned and renewed
their demands, and he again bribed them. When the officials came back yet
again in June 2002, they told him he had to choose between participating in
Jaysh al-Quds and joining the Ba`th Party or being expelled. He chose
expulsion. He was given the choice between being expelled to Arbil or
Sulaimaniya in the Kurdish-controlled territories, or the Iraqi
government-controlled city of al-Ramadi. He chose to be expelled to
Sulaimaniya.
A few days later, agents from the General
Security Directorate came to his home and registered the personal details of
all the family members, the numbers of their ration cards, details of their
educational qualifications, and the names of their relatives remaining
behind in Kirkuk. They were told they had fifteen days to leave. On the day
of the expulsion, an officer and a policeman from the Andalus police station
came to their home, made a list of their possessions, and then took the
family to the police station. Upon arrival, Salim Ismail had to sign a paper
saying he was leaving his home "voluntarily." At the first checkpoint
[Kirkuk checkpoint], he was ordered to leave behind two of the three barrels
of fuel he had purchased, as well as three of the four gas cylinders, on the
pretext that only one of each was allowed. At the second checkpoint, dubbed
Saytarat al-Tahaddi [Defiance Checkpoint], the officials took away the
family's ration cards and the police documents, including the expulsion
order, but allowed them to keep their nationality certificates. The family
of eleven now live in the Parda Qaraman refugee camp near Sulaimaniya.60
· Forty-six-year-old Hamid Zein al-`Abidin
Saleh, a Turkoman father of nine, worked in Kirkuk as a freelance
photographer. He refused to change his ethnic identity when Ba`th Party
officials came to his home. In 1999, he received a summons to join the
Popular Army, but he refused to obey it.61
Soon thereafter, he was picked up by the police and sent to the Kirkuk
Deportations Center [Markaz Tasfirat Kirkuk]. On June 25, 1999, he
was expelled to Kurdish-controlled territory. The police took him to the
al-Muthanna police station, and ordered him to sign papers saying he was
leaving Kirkuk "voluntarily," threatening him with a six-month prison
sentence if he refused. Before being allowed to leave, he had to pay a
50,000 dinar fine "in lieu of imprisonment," to the police. A police officer
accompanied Saleh and his family to the last checkpoint, where they had to
pay another 25,000 dinars to pass through quickly.62
· Forty-three-year-old Salah `Uthman Hamad, a
Turkoman who worked as a nurse in Kirkuk, was constantly harassed: "They
used to put pressure on us to undergo military training, to join the Ba`th
Party and become comrades. They used to come to our house regularly, and as
we kept refusing they said we had to be expelled." Salah Hamad bribed the
officials 100,000 dinars to avoid having to undergo military training, and
then had to pay another 25,000 dinar bribe to avoid having to change his
ethnicity to Arab. Finally, in September 1997, the mukhtar came to his home,
accompanied by police officers, and informed the family of their expulsion
order, which gave them three days' notice. The family, with seven children,
hired a truck and left with their clothes, blankets, and some small items of
furniture. They were forced to hand in their ration cards and identity
cards. An Arab family that had been relocated from the south moved into
their home. At the last checkpoint, police officials collected the official
expulsion order the family had received.63
Forced Change
of Ethnicity
One of the most common Iraqi government
pressure tactics is to pressure Kurdish, Turkoman, and Assyrians living in
government-controlled areas to "correct" their ethnicity and register as
"Arabs," a process often referred to as "nationality change." It was formally
introduced in 1997, prior to carrying out a population census (which did not
cover the region under Kurdish self-rule), when the government distributed
"nationality correction" forms. These required members of ethnic groups residing
in Kirkuk, Khaniqin, Makhmour, Sinjar, Tuz Khormatu, and other districts to
relinquish their Kurdish, Turkoman, or Assyrian identities and to register
officially as Arabs. Those who refused were invariably expelled from their
homes.
The pressure to change ethnicity is focused in a
discriminatory fashion on Kurds, Turkoman, and Assyrians-Arabs are never
pressured to change their ethnicity. The process is part of a broader campaign
to wipe out the non-Arab characteristics of the Kirkuk region, a campaign that
also involves refusing to register non-Arab names and insisting on Arabic names
for formerly Kurdish (or Turkoman and Assyrian) schools, districts, mosques, and
streets.
The Iraqi government has acknowledged that it is
engaging in a process of nationality changes, but claims this is a process
designed to correct "erroneous" registrations dating back to the Ottoman era. In
an April 2002 communication to the U.N. special rapporteur on Iraq, the Iraqi
government explained that it promulgated Revolutionary Command Council Decree
199 (see above) because of "the presence of cases left over from the records of
the Ottoman period ...in which Iraqi citizens have been wrongly registered ...as
being of non-Arab ethnicity, and in order to provide Iraqis with the right to
choose their ethnicity."64
Iraq claims that the intent of the decree is not discriminatory because "this
right is optional and not discriminatory."65
The Iraqi government has also admitted to the
practice of refusing to register newborns with "foreign names." The Iraqi
government explained this practice to the special rapporteur:
Some parents give their children
foreign names that are alien to the heritage of Iraqi society, thereby
forcing the bearer of the name to face the astonishment and persistent and
embarrassing questions of those around them as to the meaning of their
socially unusual names. For this reason, a decision has been taken that
names must be either Iraqi, Arab or Islamic.66
The Iraqi government denied that
this decision was discriminatory against Kurds, stating "the concept of Iraqi
identity embraces the names of all religious and ethnic communities, including
Kurdish, Turkoman, Christian and other names of other communities."67
However, witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch in Iraqi Kurdistan
consistently testified that they had been unable to register their newborns with
Kurdish or other non-Arabic ethnic names.
· Twenty-five-year-old Nahro Fattah, a
Kurd, fled to Kurdish-controlled territory in 1996 because of constant
demands from Iraqi officials that he join the army. After he fled, his
remaining relatives were constantly pressured to change their ethnic
identity or leave for Kurdistan. The family twice paid bribes of 20,000
dinars and 15,000 dinars to Iraqi officials to leave them alone. On July 17,
2002, the five remaining members of Fattah's family received notification
that they would be expelled from Kirkuk within ten days. The family was also
notified that their home would be seized without compensation. Within days,
an official came to collect the family's ration cards and residence cards.
On July 27, 2002, the day of their expulsion, a police officer came to check
what possessions the family was taking with them, telling them they could
take only their clothes, two empty gas cylinders, and other small items.68
· Hamid Fatah Qader, a forty-nine-year-old
father of four and a Kurd, lived in the Kakayakan district of Kirkuk. On
September 13, 2001, five or six officials from the General Security
Directorate came to his home at about 8:00 p.m. They asked Qader for two
photographs of himself and told him to complete the forms necessary to
change his nationality from Kurdish to Arab, and further ordered him to
become a member of the Ba`th Party. Qader refused, asking the men if they
would ever change their nationality from Arab to Kurd. One of the security
officials became incensed, and whipped Qader several times with a wire cable
in front of his crying wife and children.
After the beating, Qader was arrested,
handcuffed, and taken to the Kirkuk Deportation Center, where he was
detained together with around thirty-five other Kurds, all awaiting
expulsion. Qader spent fifty-one days at the detention center, and was
beaten regularly:
There was a narrow walkway, and
they would bring us there, one after the other, all of us. Three people
would come from Military Intelligence just to beat us. They beat us with
cables and fists. They would hold us by the hair and hit us with fists
in our face until blood came out of our mouths. I was beaten like this
many times. They accused us of belonging to [the Patriotic Union of
Kurdistan of] Jalal Talabani-and that we had to go [to Kurdistan].
After fifty-one days, Qader was
transferred to the al-Muthanna police station. The police ordered him to
sign an expulsion form, which he could not read because it was written in
Arabic, and forced him to pay a 10,000 dinar bribe "for the cost of the
paper." The police then accompanied him to his home, where he hired a truck
for his family's journey to the Kurdish-controlled territory. The family was
not allowed to take their electric appliances, which they had to sell
cheaply at the market.69
· Forty-six-year-old Nawal Nameq was expelled
in 1998 together with her husband, her five children, and eight other
relatives. Officials from the General Security Directorate came to their
home and told them to report to the Governorate of Kirkuk. At the
governorate they were told to change their ethnic identity. When they
refused, they were told they would be expelled. Nawal Nameq's husband,
Ramadan `Umar Khadr, was arrested at that time and kept in detention for
five days, until the day of their expulsion. The family was forced to
abandon their restaurant and café that provided them with income, and left
with only their clothes: "We wanted to take other things, but since my
husband was about to be detained again, we left quickly."70
· In early November 1997, Hawar `Ali Sadeq
(not his real name) was summoned to the Governorate of Kirkuk. He was
ordered to change his ethnicity identity from Kurd to Arab. When he refused,
officials told him he would be expelled to Sulaimaniya, and the police
immediately confiscated his food ration cards and other identity documents.
On November 27, 1997, the entire family of fourteen hired a truck and left
for the Kurdish-controlled region, accompanied by an Iraqi policeman. They
were only allowed to take their clothes, three gas cylinders, and two cans
of oil. At the last government checkpoint, the policeman accompanying them
returned their identity documents but not their ration cards. Since then,
the family has lived in a mud hut in the impoverished Parda Qaraman camp.71
· Sixty-nine-year-old Yassin Saber `Abdullah
used to be a farmer in the village of Djaghmagha, where he owned 500 dunums
[approximately 125 acres] of farmland. During the 1980s, the Iraqi
government forcibly expelled the non-Arab population of Djaghmagha and most
of the other villages in the area, giving the seized agricultural land to
Arab tribes from southern Iraq. `Abdullah lost all of his land without
compensation, and was forced to move in with relatives in the Rahim Awa
quarter of Kirkuk, doing odd jobs.
`Abdullah's three sons served in the Iraqi
army. Despite this, Ba`th Party officials regularly came to visit him, even
stopping him in the street several times, to pressure him to change his
ethnic identity to Arab. In 1996, after he had repeatedly refused to comply,
`Abdullah was arrested and kept for two weeks at the Rahim Awa police
station, until he managed to pay a 20,000 dinar bribe for his freedom. In
1997, he was arrested again, and taken to the deportation center in Rahim
Awa. "We were fifteen or sixteen people there, all of us about to be
expelled." After a week of detention, the authorities brought `Abdullah's
family to the center and immediately expelled them all to the
Kurdish-controlled areas. The family was only allowed to take some clothes,
blankets, and other small items.72
Forced
Recruitment into the Ba`th Party
Since 1968 Iraq has been ruled by a single
political party, the Arab Ba`th Socialist Party. Its role in Iraqi society
remains pervasive, facilitated by its own intelligence and security structures.
Ba`thist officials frequently attempt to recruit Kurds, Turkomans, and Assyrians
to join the party, the aim being multifold. Membership serves as a means through
which the state strives to retain control of individuals and to monitor any
anti-government activity on their part. Becoming a member is invariably followed
by pressure on individuals to act as informers in their local neighborhood,
their professional milieu, or other spheres. Above all, willingness to join the
party serves as a test of loyalty to the government. Refusal or reluctance to
join raises suspicion, resulting in the person concerned being placed under
surveillance and facing innumerable obstacles and discrimination in their daily
lives. In the case of ethnic minorities, it also serves as a pretext for their
forced expulsion from their homes.
· Mu`tasam `Abd al-Rahman Taha, a
twenty-five-year-old Kurd from Kirkuk, was forced by Ba`th Party officials
to join the Jerusalem Army in July 2001, and spent two months undergoing
military training at the al-Qadisiyya Garrison in Kirkuk. About
three-quarters of the recruits he trained with were also Kurds. He was
discharged in September 2001. On September 9, 2002, Ba`th Party officials
again came to his home and demanded that he work for the party or face
expulsion. He and other family members refused to comply. On the same day,
the police arrested Mu`tasam Taha's brother, thirty-two-year-old `Adnan, and
detained him at the al-Muthanna police station.73
At the police detention facility, `Adnan Taha
found himself imprisoned with five other men whose families also faced
expulsion. One of the men had been in detention for twenty-two days because
his family couldn't afford the bribe demanded. Two days after his arrest,
`Adnan Taha's relatives paid a 100,000 dinar bribe for his release, and the
family of fourteen was immediately expelled to Kurdish-controlled territory.
They had to pay 75,000 dinars to hire a truck, 50,000 dinars to pass the
Defiance Checkpoint, and another 25,000 to the policeman who accompanied
them. Their residence and ration cards were taken away. The family owned a
house in Kirkuk, and were forced to hand over the house keys before they
were expelled, losing their home without compensation.74
· Tawfiq Rahman, a Kurdish laborer from
Kirkuk, is a father of seven children. Ba`th Party officials regularly
attempted to force him to join the party, but he successfully avoided them
repeatedly by staying away from his home and ignoring their demands that he
visit the local party office. In January 2001, Ba`th Party officials and the
local mukhtar came to his home early in the morning to inform him that his
family was being expelled. Security officials accompanied Rahman as he went
to hire a truck and loaded up his goods. He was forced to sign a "voluntary"
expulsion paper, which was collected at the last government checkpoint.75
· Tareq Nameq Shahwar, a forty-four-year-old
Turkoman driver from Kirkuk, first came under pressure to become a member of
the Ba`th Party in 1994, and the harassment intensified over the next two
years: "They put pressure on us to join the Ba`th Party.... The party
comrades used to come to our house regularly, then the police started
coming. In the beginning it was once every two months, then it became more
frequent. Finally, they told us they were going to expel us."
The family was expelled on February 6, 1996,
one of at least fifteen families from their neighborhood expelled that
month. They were given the choice of going north to the Kurdish-controlled
areas or south into government-controlled areas, and were told that if they
moved south, they could take all their possessions with them. So they chose
to head south to al-Ramadi. A policeman accompanied them, and gave their
expulsion documents to officials at the governorate building in al-Ramadi.
The family moved into the Kurdish quarter of al-Ramadi, and found that most
of their neighbors were also expelled families from Kirkuk: "There must have
been at least three hundred families living there who were expelled from the
North." The family found life in the south impossible because of regular
demands that Tareq Shahwar join the Popular Army, almost constant
surveillance, and their inability to find work on account of having been
expelled. The family left the south in secret, for Kurdish-controlled
territory.76
Forced
Recruitment into "Volunteer" Paramilitary Forces
The Iraqi government has over the years created
a number of paramilitary forces, either as auxiliary support to the regular
armed forces or as "elite" units-effectively private armies answerable to the
political leadership. In the latter category fall Saddam's Martyrs (Fida'iyyi
Saddam), and a new force reportedly created in 2002 known as Sword of the
Leader (Sayf al-Qa'id). The principal auxiliary force created during the
1970s was the Popular Army (al-Jaysh al-Sha`bi) headed by Vice-President
Taha Yassin Ramadan, purportedly a volunteer force whose purpose was to provide
military support to the regular armed forces during the Iran-Iraq war.77
Many of the Kurds, Turkomans, and Assyrians who were forcibly expelled from
their homes during the early 1990s had been recruited into the Popular Army
under pressure. A newer force, the Jerusalem Army (Jaysh al-Quds) was
created in February 2001 amid much official fanfare, its declared purpose being
the "liberation" of Jerusalem. Like the Popular Army, it is nominally a
volunteer force. In practice, many of its recruits-including Kurds, Turkomans
and Assyrians-have been pressured into enlisting. Training typically takes place
over one or two months, focusing on the use of light weaponry such as
Kalashnikov rifles, rocket-propelled grenades, and light artillery.
Many of the Kurdish and Turkoman men interviewed
by Human Rights Watch said they had been forced to undergo several paramilitary
training courses and were threatened with expulsion from their homes if they
refused. Those who fled to the Kurdish-controlled region to avoid expulsion
cited recruitment into the Jerusalem Army as one of the main reasons for their
flight. They also stated that in cases where males over the age of eighteen in a
given family were absent or ill, the authorities would recruit the eldest boy in
lieu of an adult male, and that in some cases recruits were as young as fifteen.
Boys between the age of twelve and seventeen are normally recruited into yet
another force known as Saddam's Cubs (Ashbal Saddam), which also involves
periodic training in light weaponry over one month during summer vacations. One
fourteen-year-old Turkoman boy told Human Rights Watch that many of his
classmates had undergone the training course. His mother explained that she had
fled to the Kurdish-held region because she feared that her young sons would be
forced into joining Saddam's Cubs.78
Other families with young boys also cited this as a reason for their expulsion
or flight.
· Thirty-two-year-old Muhammad Muhammad
Khaled was first forced to join the Jerusalem Army in March 2001, when Ba`th
Party officials came to his home in Khaniqin, a town south west of Kirkuk
and close to the border with Iran. They ordered him to report for training.
He was forced to leave his work and go with his family to a military
training camp near Baghdad, where he received two months of training in
light weaponry. He received 20,000 dinars a month for his family "which is
barely enough to make ends meet.... Our situation was very bad."79
After the training, he returned home in May 2001, but was then again forced
in November 2001 to undergo two more months of training in the Jerusalem
Army. After completing the second round of training, and desperate to escape
another round, Khaled moved to Kirkuk city:
I thought I would be safe there.
But in Kirkuk it was very difficult to survive. I was a barber and tried
to find work, but the [Ba`th] party comrades kept harassing me. They
called me a son of a dog and told me I had no chance there. And the
pressure to continue to train with Jaysh al-Quds was worse in Kirkuk
than in Khaniqin. My [economic] situation in Khaniqin used to be good
until I had to join the Jaysh al-Quds.80
Unable to earn a living and
facing constant pressure from Iraqi officials, he decided to escape to
Kurdish-controlled territory. Ba`th Party officials confiscated his ration
card and personal identity cards.
Harassment and
Expulsion of Families with Relatives in Iraqi Kurdistan
Iraqi government agents have frequently
targeted for harassment ethnic minority families with relatives living in the
Kurdish-controlled region. This was particularly the case when a male member of
a given family had fled in order to escape forced enlistment into a paramilitary
force, or was an army deserter. Pressure also increased on these families when
their relatives joined Kurdish or other fighting forces, or became affiliated
with one or another of the opposition groups based in the north. In some cases,
the authorities put pressure on the families concerned to convince their
relatives to return to government-controlled areas, and then used the failure to
comply with this demand as a pretext for expulsion.
· Two of twenty-one-year-old Madiha
Hamid's brothers left for the Kurdish-controlled areas to escape recruitment
into the Jerusalem Army. Following their departure, Iraqi officials
regularly came to Madiha's home and asked why the family had remained in
Kirkuk when her brothers were in Kurdistan: "Why are you here? Your brothers
are in Kurdistan," the officials would say.81
At the beginning of August 2002, the officials took away the ration cards of
the family, and soon thereafter the family was presented with a formal
expulsion order for Madiha, her father, her niece, and her two sisters. They
were expelled from Kirkuk on September 5, 2002.82
· The Turkoman family of Nihayat Muhammad
Gharib came under pressure from the General Security Directorate in 2002
because her brother-in-law was living abroad:
There was no pressure on us to
join the Ba`th Party or to train with the Jaysh al-Quds, or even to
change our ethnic identity. It was because of my husband's brother, who
has been abroad for about five years now. Security [officials]
interrogated my husband about that, but we kept saying we didn't know
anything about him. They told us, `In that case, you cannot remain here
and you will be expelled.'
Gharib's family decided to flee
before they faced further harassment or a formal expulsion order, taking
only their clothes with them.83
· Barzan Karim Kakel, a thirty-seven-year-old
Kurdish construction worker from Kirkuk, and father to seven children, fled
to Kurdish-controlled territory in late August 2002. His brother had already
fled there earlier that year. Barzan had not been harassed prior to that,
but after his brother's departure, Ba`th Party officials began coming
regularly to his house, telling him he had to join the party, change his
ethnicity to Arab, and join the Jerusalem Army. After six months of
harassment, he fled to Arbil with his family. Although he lived in poverty
in a camp for displaced persons, he insisted on stressing to Human Rights
Watch that he preferred life in the camp: "I don't have to be afraid of
anyone, I am free here and my life is secure."84
· Jalal Sharif Karim is a sixty-six-year-old
cobbler from the town of Tuz Khormatu. Two of his sons were living in
Kurdish-controlled territory, working as Pesh Merga fighters.85
Beginning in April 2002, security officials from the General Security
Directorate began coming to his workplace, asking questions about his two
sons. Ba`th Party officials also came regularly, urging him to change his
ethnic identity, but he argued back: "I told them I am a Kurd, and even if I
become king, I will always remain a Kurd." On June 10, Jalal was arrested
together with his twenty-year-old son Kamal, and held for eight days at the
Tuz Khormatu police station, where they were repeatedly questioned and
threatened with long prison sentences and hanging, but they were not beaten.
On June 18, they were released after paying a 100,000 dinar bribe. The
family left immediately for Kurdish-controlled territory, arriving in the
desolate Parda Qaraman displaced persons camp near Sulaimaniya on June 21,
2002. Before leaving, Jalal managed to sell his house to his Turkoman
neighbors, who were told by the Iraqi authorities that they would have to
adopt Arab names if they wanted to register the deeds of the house in their
own names.86
· Haja Mahmoud Rashid, a fifty-six-year-old
Turkoman widow, was living in Kirkuk but had two sons who left for
Kurdish-controlled territory in the mid-1990s, one to escape harassment and
another to join the Kurdish Pesh Merga forces. In May 2002, security
personnel and Ba`th Party officials came to her house, demanding that she
bring her son who had joined the Pesh Merga to them or face expulsion. Haja
Rashid refused, and was expelled on June 10, 2002. On the day of her
expulsion, police officials came to make sure she was not taking any
electrical or other household appliances with her, allowing her only to pack
some clothes, blankets, and small personal items. The police accompanied the
family to the last government checkpoint, where they took away their ration
cards, residence cards, and expulsion papers.87
· Amin Najmuddin Muhammad, a sixteen-year-old
Kurdish student from Kirkuk, had a brother who fled Kirkuk to
Kurdish-controlled territory and joined the Pesh Merga. After his brother
fled, the family began receiving almost daily visits from Ba`th Party and
security officials, demanding that they bring their brother back to Kirkuk.
The officials also demanded that the family join the Ba`th Party and enlist
in the Jerusalem Army.
In May 2001, security officials came to the
home and arrested Amin's father, telling the family they were being expelled
from Kirkuk and that they should prepare for their departure:
They kept my father for four or
five days. During this time, we had to prepare everything in our house.
We couldn't take all of our possessions. We had to leave behind our
appliances such as our refrigerator-they prohibited us from taking such
things. We signed the expulsion paper, which was taken from us at the
last checkpoint.88
· Fifty-one-year-old Ahmad Hamid,
a Turkoman, was deported from Kirkuk in 1992. His brother had fled Iraq in
1982 to escape army service, traveling through Iran and Syria before
obtaining refugee status in Sweden. In 1992, Iraqi security officials
detained Ahmad Hamid, two other brothers and their father, and gave them the
choice between expulsion to Kurdish-controlled territory or going south to
al-Ramadi. The family was expelled because of the brother's desertion from
the army and his residence abroad.
The family chose to go to al-Ramadi because
they were allowed to take some of their belongings with them. When they
arrived in al-Ramadi, they were housed in a crowded abandoned school with
about fifty other families, all Kurds and Turkmen who had been expelled from
Kirkuk. The families lived in crowded conditions, with two or three families
sharing one room. After six months, the family fled to Kurdish-controlled
territory, taking advantage of heavy rain to hide in the back of a truck and
pass through the many checkpoints.89
Recruitment of
Informers
At times, Iraqi government agents also attempt
to coerce Kurds and other non-Arabs into becoming informers for the various
security or intelligence apparatuses, or for the Ba`th Party, focusing
particular attention on those who have relatives living in the
Kurdish-controlled region. When those who are recruited to spy on their families
refuse to cooperate, they face instant expulsion. Others face trumped-up charges
of espionage or are accused of involvement in opposition activities, and face
torture and abuse before being expelled.
· Thirty-four-year-old `Ali Karim Muhammad
Rashid's brother, a mathematics professor, was expelled from Kirkuk in 1999
when he refused to change his ethnicity and became a teacher in the
Kurdish-controlled town of Derbendikhan. In May 2001, `Ali Karim was
summoned to the offices of the General Security Directorate in al-Karama and
ordered to bring his brother to the Directorate. `Ali Karim told Human
Rights Watch that he was tortured by being suspended from a ceiling fan with
his hands tied behind his back, a common torture technique in Iraq. He was
finally released eight hours later when he agreed to pay the officials a
310,000 dinar bribe. A month later he was again summoned by officials and
told to convince his brother to work for them as a spy. He had to pay a
250,000 dinar bribe to secure his release.
Soon thereafter, three agents from the General
Security Directorate came to `Ali Karim's home and threatened to give his
father fifty lashes unless `Ali Karim agreed to convince his brother to work
as a spy. `Ali Karim agreed to travel to the Kurdish-controlled areas to
visit his brother and was advised by Kurdish security officials to "play
along." Two weeks after he returned, he was contacted by other officials,
this time from the mukhabarat (intelligence service), who forced him
to undergo a week's training in the use of explosives as a prelude to
working for them.
In November 2001, `Ali Karim was again
summoned to the General Security Directorate. He was asked to produce the
deeds to his home, and told that he faced the choice of working as a spy or
being expelled. The next morning, unwilling to work as a spy, he took his
family to safety to a relative in al-Qadisiyya, and he himself fled to the
Kurdish-controlled region on November 3, 2001. Iraqi officials tracked down
his family and expelled them on November 11, 2001. At the final checkpoint
before entering Kurdish-controlled territory, the family was forced to sign
a form stating that they had left "voluntarily."90
Re-allocation
of Farm Land to Arab Families
In addition to the pressure tactics used
against non-Arab families living in and around Kirkuk to leave their homes, the
Iraqi government has forcefully ejected large non-Arab farm communities in the
province, seizing their property without prior notice or compensation and
leaving them destitute. Entire villages of non-Arab farmers have often been
forcibly vacated en masse, in contrast with the more individualized pressure
tactics used on urban dwellers. Many of those who find themselves internally
displaced to the Kurdish-controlled region today were effectively subjected
twice to forcible transfer. Expelled from their rural homes in the first
instance, such families headed for Kirkuk city and other urban centers where, at
best, they were able to find temporary shelter with relatives. Formerly
relatively affluent landowners in the countryside, they found themselves eking
out a living as manual laborers in the city. Years later, as the government's
"Arabization" policy increasingly focused on urban centers, they were forcibly
expelled once again, this time to the Kurdish-controlled region. Some of the
more valuable seized properties were presented as "gifts" to senior Ba`th Party
and other officials in return for services rendered to the state, but most were
distributed to Arab tribal families brought in from southern Iraq.
The Iraqi government, in response to a query
from the U.N. special rapporteur on Iraq, stated that a process of land reform
was underway in northern Iraq. The government attempted to cast this process as
necessary to "make best possible use of land suitable for agriculture," and
claimed that the land was distributed to "all farmers willing to exploit it for
agricultural purposes, without regard to their ethnic affiliation."91
In fact, the Iraqi policy is aimed at removing Kurdish and other non-Arab farm
communities and replacing them with Arab farmers.
· Hussain Saleh Amin, a
thirty-eight-year-old Kurd, was a farmer who owned about eighty dunums
[twenty acres] of land in the town of Makhmour, located mid-way between
Mosul and Kirkuk. In late 2000, he came home from a day's work in his fields
to find that all of his belongings had been thrown out of his home. The head
of the Makhmour municipality informed him that his farm was being seized,
and that his family was being expelled to Kurdish-controlled territory. He
left the next day for Arbil, only allowed to take his clothes with him. An
Arab family took possession of the farm.92
52
According to testimony obtained by Human Rights Watch from the victims of forced
expulsions, other state agencies have also been involved in implementing this
policy, albeit to a lesser degree. These agencies include Military Intelligence
(al-Istikhbarat al-`Askariyya). This appears to be largely in cases
involving victims of expulsion who have relatives serving in the fighting forces
(Pesh Merga) of Kurdish opposition groups.
53
See Sarah Graham-Brown, Sanctioning Saddam: The Politics of Intervention
in Iraq (London & New York: I.B. Taurus, 1999), p. 40.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid, p. 40-41.
56
Human Rights Watch interview with Nawal Nouri, Sulaimaniya province, September
20, 2002; Human Rights Watch interview with `Abdullah Ramadan Ma'ruf,
Sulaimaniya province, September 20, 2002.
57
Human Rights Watch interview with Nermine Zein al-`Abidin Saleh, Arbil province,
September 17, 2002.
58
Human Rights Watch interview with As`ad Karim Salah, Arbil province, September
15, 2002.
59
Human Rights Watch interview with Muhammad Karim, Arbil province, September 13,
2002.
60
Human Rights Watch interview with Salim Ismail, Sulaimaniya province, September
9, 2002. The witness requested anonymity, and Salim Ismail is a pseudonym.
61
The Popular Army is a paramilitary force that was created in the early 1970s.
62
Human Rights Watch interview with Hamid Zein al-`Abidin Saleh, Arbil province,
September 17, 2002.
63
Human Rights Watch with Salah `Uthman Hamad, Arbil province, September 16, 2002.
64
Note verbale dated April 19, 2002, from the Permanent Mission of Iraq to the
United Nations Office at Geneva regarding the decree providing for a change of
ethnicity.
65
Ibid.
66
Note verbale dated April 19, 2002, from the Permanent Mission of Iraq to the
United Nations Office at Geneva regarding choices of names for newborn infants.
67
Ibid.
68
Human Rights Watch interview with Nahro Fattah, Arbil province, September 13,
2002.
69
Human Rights Watch interview with Hamid Fatah Qader, Sulaimaniya province,
September 15, 2002.
70
Human Rights Watch interview with Nawal Nameq, Sulaimaniya province, September
9, 2002.
71
Human Rights Watch interview with Maliha `Ali Sadeq, Sulaimaniya province,
September 9, 2002.
72
Human Rights Watch interview with Yassin Saber `Abdullah, Arbil province,
September 13, 2002.
73
Human Rights Watch interview with Mu'tasam `Abd al-Rahman Taha, Arbil province,
September 13, 2002.
74
Human Rights Watch interview with `Adnan Rahman Taha, Arbil province, September
13, 2002; Human Rights Watch interview with `Abd al-Rahman Muhammad Taha, Arbil
province, September 13, 2002.
75
Human Rights Watch interview with Tawfik Rahman, Arbil province, September 15,
2002.
76
Human Rights Watch interview with Halima Sa'dun Majid al-Wandawi, Sulaimaniya
province, September 20, 2002.
77
Over time recruitment into the Popular Army became increasingly obligatory. A
penal code was promulgated for its members, which provided the death penalty for
desertion.
78
Human Rights Watch interview with Nawal Nouri and her son Shalaw, Sulaimaniya
province, September 20, 2002.
79
Human Rights Watch interview with Muhammad Muhammad Khaled, Sulaimaniya
province, September 9, 2002.
80
Ibid.
81
Human Rights Watch interview with Madiha Hamid, Sulaimaniya province, September
9, 2002.
82
Ibid.
83
Human Rights Watch interview with Nihayat Muhammad Gharib, Arbil province,
September 16, 2002.
84
Human Rights Watch interview with Barzan Karim Kakel, Arbil province, September
15, 2002.
85
Pesh Merga-in Kurdish "those who face death"-is the term Kurds use to refer
to those who have taken up arms against the central government, namely the
militias of the various Kurdish parties.
86
Human Rights Watch interview with Jalal Sharif Karim, Sulaimaniya province,
September 9, 2002.
87
Human Rights Watch interview with Haja Mahmoud Rashid, Arbil province, September
16, 2002.
88
Human Rights Watch interview with Amin Najmuddin Muhammad, Arbil province,
September 14, 2002.
89
Human Rights Watch interview with Ahmad Hamid, Sulaimaniya province, September
11, 2002.
90
Human Rights Watch interview with `Ali Karim Muhammad Rashid, Sulaimaniya
province, September 9, 2002.
91
Note Verbale dated April 17, 2002 from the Permanent Mission of Iraq to the
United Nations Office at Geneva on the issue of exploitation of agricultural
land in northern Iraq.
92
Human Rights Watch interview with Hussain Saleh Amin, Arbil Province, September
13, 2002.
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